Political opportunism and the Atomisation of black consciousness in South Africa

The mercurial political odyssey of Floyd Shivambu — from ANC Youth League firebrand to EFF co-founder, MK Party secretary-general, and now prospective party founder—represents a microcosm of the broader crisis afflicting black political consciousness in post-apartheid South Africa. This analysis examines the profound implications of Shivambu's serial political migrations, arguing that his trajectory embodies a dangerous trend toward the commodification of black solidarity and the emergence of a technocratic middle-class politics that fundamentally undermines the emancipatory project of black unity.

Shivambu's recent announcement of consultations to form a new political party, merely ten months after joining the MK Party, marks the culmination of a pattern of political nomadism that reflects deeper structural contradictions within South Africa's liberation discourse. Far from representing ideological evolution or strategic repositioning, Shivambu's movements reveal the emergence of a new class of political entrepreneurs who weaponise revolutionary rhetoric while fundamentally serving bourgeois interests.

Shivambu's political peregrinations find historical resonance in the phenomenon of what Antonio Gramsci termed "transformismo"—the co-optation of potentially revolutionary elements into the existing hegemonic structure. His formal resignation from the EFF in August 2024 to join Jacob Zuma's MK Party, expressing a commitment to "genuine revolutionary politics," exemplifies this process of ideological shapeshifting.

The pattern bears striking similarities to the political trajectories of figures like Bantu Holomisa, whose movement from the ANC to the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in 1997, or more recently, Mmusi Maimane's exit from the Democratic Alliance to establish the One South Africa Movement. Each case demonstrates how individual ambition, cloaked in the language of principled departure, contributes to the fragmentation of coherent political alternatives.

Shivambu's characterization of the EFF as "a cult" while simultaneously maintaining his membership in the MK Party reveals the instrumentalization of political language for strategic positioning. This rhetorical manoeuvring reflects what Pierre Bourdieu identified as the "linguistic market",—wherein political actors deploy symbolic capital to maintain relevance across shifting political terrains.

The speed of Shivambu's transitions—from EFF deputy president to MK secretary-general within months, followed by his removal and immediate pivot toward party formation—suggests a form of political entrepreneurship that prioritizes institutional positioning over ideological consistency. His removal as MK secretary-general just nine months after leaving the EFF underscores the superficial nature of these affiliations.

Shivambu's political evolution embodies the emergence of what can be termed the "black technocratic elite"—a class fraction that appropriates the symbols and rhetoric of liberation while pursuing fundamentally bourgeois objectives. This phenomenon represents a profound departure from the organic intellectualism that characterised earlier phases of the liberation struggle.

The targeting of educated middle-class constituencies through sophisticated policy discourse and technocratic positioning reflects a deliberate strategy to capture what Frantz Fanon warned against: the "pitfalls of national consciousness." Shivambu's emphasis on economic transformation, while superficially radical, often translates into advocacy for black capitalist accumulation rather than structural transformation of property relations.

Analysts believe this move will challenge the stability of existing parties and potentially pave the way for new political formations, highlighting the destabilising effects of continued political fragmentation. The proliferation of black-led political formations — EFF, MK Party, ATM, UDM, and now potentially a Shivambu-led entity—creates a scenario of strategic voting dispersion that ultimately benefits the existing order.

This fragmentation operates according to what Giovanni Sartori termed "polarised pluralism," wherein the multiplication of political options paradoxically reduces the capacity for meaningful change. Each new formation draws from the same demographic pool while offering marginally differentiated products, creating the illusion of choice while maintaining systemic stability.

Shivambu's trajectory exemplifies the emergence of what Walter Rodney identified as the "comprador bourgeoisie" — a class that facilitates continued exploitation while masquerading as agents of liberation. The focus on capturing middle-class votes reflects a strategic orientation toward those segments of the black population most integrated into the existing economic structure.

This phenomenon aligns with Mahmood Mamdani's analysis of "elite transition" in post-colonial Africa, where political independence fails to translate into economic liberation due to the emergence of indigenous elite formations that reproduce colonial relations of production.

Perhaps most perniciously, Shivambu's political nomadism contributes to what can be termed the "commodification of black solidarity." Revolutionary symbols, liberation discourse, and appeals to black consciousness become tradeable political commodities rather than organising principles for structural transformation.

His plan to form a new political party for the 2026 local elections while remaining an MK member exemplifies this commodification, maintaining multiple political affiliations as insurance against future political contingencies rather than commitment to coherent ideological principles.

The emergence of yet another black-led political formation threatens to further fragment an already divided black vote. Historical analysis reveals that such fragmentation consistently benefits the Democratic Alliance and other opposition parties by preventing the consolidation of a coherent alternative to ANC hegemony.

The 2024 electoral results, where the ANC lost its majority partly due to MK Party and EFF performance, demonstrate the double-edged nature of political fragmentation. While creating space for black radical politics, it simultaneously prevents the achievement of governing majorities necessary for structural transformation.

Shivambu's likely political trajectory suggests an orientation toward what Barbara Ehrenreich termed the "professional-managerial class"—that segment of the black population with tertiary education, stable employment, and aspirations toward upward mobility. This demographic represents a crucial swing constituency in South African politics,

but also embodies the tensions between individual advancement and collective liberation.

The appeal to this constituency through technocratic competence and policy sophistication reflects a broader trend toward the depoliticisation of liberation discourse. Complex socio-economic challenges become technical problems requiring expert solutions rather than sites of political struggle requiring popular mobilisation.

Shivambu's allegations that Jacob Zuma is surrounded by 'political scoundrels' who are siphoning off millions from the party reveal the instrumental nature of his commitment to these political formations. Rather than ideological differences, conflicts appear centred on access to resources and institutional control.

This pattern suggests that Shivambu's "real agenda" transcends ideological commitment to black liberation and centres on the construction of a political vehicle capable of delivering material benefits to its leadership and core constituency. The rapid succession of political affiliations indicates a primarily instrumental relationship to political organisation.

Shivambu's academic credentials and policy expertise position him well to appeal to constituencies frustrated with both the ANC's perceived incompetence and the EFF's populist style. However, this technocratic appeal often masks a fundamental acceptance of existing economic structures while promising more efficient management.

The emphasis on "good governance" and "economic transformation" without corresponding attention to wealth redistribution or structural change suggests an agenda oriented toward reforming rather than replacing the current system. This represents what Antonio Gramsci termed "passive revolution"—change that preserves fundamental power relations while creating the appearance of transformation.

The formation of the United Democratic Movement in 1997 provides instructive parallels to Shivambu's current trajectory. Led by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer, the UDM promised to transcend racial politics while appealing to disillusioned ANC supporters and moderate white voters. Despite initial promise and significant media attention, the UDM failed to achieve an electoral breakthrough and gradually declined into political irrelevance.

The UDM's trajectory demonstrates the limitations of political formations based primarily on leadership personalities rather than coherent ideological foundations or organic social bases. Shivambu's potential party faces similar challenges in establishing sustainable institutional foundations beyond its founder's charisma.

The Congress of the People (COPE), formed by ANC dissidents in 2008, offers another cautionary tale. Despite initial electoral success and significant media coverage, COPE quickly fragmented due to leadership conflicts and a lack of organisational coherence. The party's decline illustrates the difficulty of sustaining political formations based primarily on opposition to existing leadership rather than a positive vision.

Shivambu is charting a path similar to the one Jacob Zuma once took, as he looks to establish a new political party, but the historical record suggests such ventures face significant structural obstacles in the South African political context.

Shivambu's trajectory reflects the broader transformation of black political leadership from organic intellectualism to professional politics. Where earlier generations of liberation leaders emerged from mass struggle and maintained organic connections to popular constituencies, contemporary figures often ascend through institutional politics and educational credentials.

This shift has profound implications for the relationship between leadership and constituency. Professional politicians, despite revolutionary rhetoric, often develop interests distinct from and occasionally opposed to their nominal base. The emphasis on electoral success and institutional positioning can override commitment to transformative politics.

Perhaps most troubling is how Shivambu's political nomadism contributes to the atomization of collective struggle. Each leadership migration fragments existing organisational capacity while requiring supporters to choose between personal loyalty and institutional commitment. This dynamic undermines the development of a sustainable liberation organisation capable of long-term struggle.

The proliferation of personality-based political formations reflects what Robert Michels identified as the "iron law of oligarchy"—the tendency for democratic organisations to become dominated by small leadership groups pursuing their interests. In the South African context, this dynamic particularly affects black political formations due to resource constraints and external pressures.

Floyd Shivambu's political trajectory represents both the symptom and the cause of the crisis afflicting black political consciousness in contemporary South Africa. His serial migrations between political formations, cloaked in revolutionary rhetoric but driven by institutional positioning, exemplify the commodification of liberation discourse and the emergence of a technocratic political class more committed to upward mobility than structural transformation.

The ramifications extend far beyond individual ambition. Each new political formation fragments the already divided black vote while creating the illusion of political choice without substantive alternatives. The appeal to middle-class constituencies through technocratic competence reinforces existing class divisions within black communities while promising reform rather than revolution.

Shivambu's plans to contest the 2026 local government elections while maintaining MK membership epitomise this instrumental approach to political organisation. Such strategic positioning undermines the development of disciplined, ideologically coherent formations capable of sustained struggle for structural transformation.

The historical precedents — UDM, COPE, and numerous smaller formations—demonstrate the limitations of personality-based politics in achieving lasting change. Without organic connection to mass constituencies and clear ideological foundations, such ventures typically decline into irrelevance or co-optation.

For authentic black liberation to advance, it requires the development of political formations capable of transcending individual ambition and maintaining organisational discipline across generational and leadership transitions. Shivambu's trajectory serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers of substituting political entrepreneurship for revolutionary commitment.

The fragmentation of black consciousness serves no one except those who benefit from continued division and the maintenance of existing power relations. The urgent task facing South African liberation politics is the construction of unified, disciplined organisations capable of sustaining struggle beyond the ambitions of individual leaders.

In this context, Floyd Shivambu's political evolution represents not advancement but regression—from the collective struggle that defined earlier liberation movements to the individualised politics of professional advancement. The question is not whether South Africa needs another political party, but whether it can afford the continued fragmentation of liberation politics in service of personal ambition masked as principled departure.

The answer, for those committed to authentic transformation, must be a resounding rejection of political nomadism in favour of disciplined, long-term organisational commitment to the collective struggle for liberation. Only through such discipline can black consciousness transcend its current atomization and achieve the unity necessary for structural transformation.